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Dr Müller’s Report

A Report on the Journey from DOLONOR to KALGAN and The Imprisonment.

I left Peking on July 11th with Baron von Plessen of the German Embassy and Mr. Gareth Jones formerly private-secretary to Mr. Lloyd George and at the moment connected with several respected English Newspapers and among other’s the Manchester Guardian, in order to profit from an invitation of Prince TEH of the West Sunnit in connection with The Sunnit-Mongol Congress. From Prince TEH’s residence I started on a longer journey for the North East part of Inner Mongolia, Herr PURPIS, director of the WOSTWAG in Kalgan, having most kindly placed a motor -car at my disposal. Mr. Jones travelled with me, also my boy, Liang, and,the Russian chauffeur, Anatoli PETREWSCHTSCHEW, At mid-day on July 25th we were approaching Dolonor, our next objective. We were still about 100 li. from the place when we fell in with an ox-cart carrying to my surprise, the flags of Manchukuo and Japan. The Chinese in charge of the cart explained to me that these flags had been presented to him by Japanese in the village of HUANG-C’HITA-YING-TZE, and that this place new belonged to Manchukuo. That was for me the first indication that the situation in Dolonor had changed since my last visit in August 1934. At that time I sought out the chief of the special Mission of the Kwantung Army in Dolonor, Major UEYAMA, and asked him what was the situation in Dolonor and the explanation of his own presence there.

Major Ueyama assured me that Manchukuo raised no claim to Dolonor, but on the contrary that it was undoubtedly Chinese territory. He went on to say that during and after the fighting with Fang Yu-hsiang in 1933, the Chinese authorities in Dolonor had left, a vacuum had arisen from which occasions of conflict might easily arise, and to prevent this the Special Commission had been created. When I asked him what was the nature of General Li-Shou-hsin’s troops then in Dolonor, Ueyama replied that they were not Manchukuo troops but rather of the character of a local militia. In contradiction Ueyama’s explanations it is in any case certain that there was in Dolonor a Manchukuo Post Office, as, early as March1934.

This year we saw on the day after our arrival the whole town bedecked with new Manchukuo and Japanese flags, and we learned that these had been distributed by the Japanese three or four days, before our arrival with orders to raise them in order to salute the entry of new Japanese troops. I learnt from on old acquaintance, TSOI, whom I chanced to meet in Dolonor and who to now a Manchukuo official in Weichang. (Jehol), that at the same time as the Japanese in June were sending, troops to Kupeikuu and Shanhaikuan, they directed a mechanised brigade, towards Weichang, and that the advance of this brigade in the direction, at Chahar had begun about July 22nd. About 80 armoured cars reached Dolonor on the first day of the advance, the numbers increasing daily till the time of our departure. In Dolonor itself we saw an enormous number of apparently brand-new three axled heavy military lorries, tanks, and staff motor-cars, and learned, that an appreciably larger number had already left Dolonor travelling in a southerly direction, I was informed that the destination of these units was KUYAN and, CH’IH-CH’ENG or alternatively PAOCH’ANG and KANGPAO, the first-mentioned lying in the direction of K’ANG CHUANG, first station on the Peking-Suiyuan line North of Nankou, and the other two in the direction of Kalgan. The town of Dolonor itself was full of Japanese military, and Li Shou-hsin’ s soldiers, now openly provided. with Manchukuo badges, seemed to have completely merged their identity with theirs. As far as I could discover most of Li’s, men are at present stationed south of Dolonor, one squadron strong in Ch’I-HOU for example, 50 li to the eastward of PAOCH’ANG, and two squadrons ERH--TAO MU-T’OU, 70 li westward of PAOCH’ANG. The fighting strength at present available in the neighbourhood of of Dolonor is estimated at about 7000 Manchukuo under Li Shou-hsin and from 4 to 5000 Japanese troops under Yano.

I found, the number at Japanese officials in Dolonor appreciably increased since last year. In addition to the Kwantung Army Special Mission there existed a special headquarters staff of the Kwantung Army and further a Dolonor council together with a Council for the Ch’eng-the (Jehol City) 5^th Army controlled area. There exists in addition a Branch of the Imperial Japanese Commission, dealing with road building questions. The Company for the Improvement of Neighbouring nations already active last year, has strengthened its personnel and there must be other Japanese organs in Dolonor of which our short stay did not permit us to ascertain the nature. On my return to Peking I learnt that Dolonor possessed in addition an Economic Commission.

According to the said Tsoi,, the official annexation of East Chahar by Manchukuo was proclaimed some days before our arrival - a piece of information which we were unable to confirm, perhaps owing to the intimidation of the Chinese Population and the fact that they cannot be induced to make any pronouncement however faintly connected with Japanese activities. A proclamation of GeneraI Li Shou-hsin of July 17^th, posted up in every place, merely stated that he had taken over the responsibility for peace and Quiet Eastern Chahar, and that the people would flourish exceedingly under the ‘Kingly Principle’ (wang~tao). No mention was made of Manchukuo, in the proclamation. On July 26^th we (Jones, my Boy and self) visited the Headquarters of the Kwantung Army Special Commission. We found that Major Ueyama, as we were told, was at the Front, and we were next received by an Indian from Travancore, named Nair known to us as an Indian nationalist and a former Member of the National Congress and General Secretary of the Pan-Asiatic League. He has for years been permanently resident in Dairen. He speaks fluent English and Japanese and was useful to us as an interpreter. Of the members of the Mission we saw only a young man with whom we touched upon among other subjects the question of our return to Kalgan. He was kind enough to give us a document of recommendation which was to insure us considerate treatment fro m any Japanese Military we might meet.

We intended, after our visit to the Special Mission to proceed to the two big Lama temples to west of the town to inspect them and at the same time pay a visit to a Japanese Lama, Hashimoto, whom I had met in the proceeding year. On the way thither we noticed in the streets a great number military cars and stopped to admire their perfect equipment for expeditions over the heavy plains of Inner Mongolia.

We made another short stop before the Yemen of Li Shou-hein where noted the apparently new title of the office; Ch’a-tung too-pieh tue-chih-chu. Thereupon as we were progressing along the road outside the town, three Japanese soldier’s with rifles in their hands came running after us, began to address us in an excited way, and finally attempted to subject us to a personal search. We showed them the document we had just received from the Special Mission, and insisted on our being led back to it. In the premises of the Social Mission, where we had to stay more or less against our will for about three hour, we were subjected to a kind of cross examination by a whole crowd of Japanese Officers and finally by Yano the officer commanding the mechanised brigade which had just arrived. This only came to an end after I had been identified by the Japanese Lama named HASHIMOTO who in the meanwhile had been summoned, and by another Japanese whom I had met last year. It became apparent in the course of the cross-examination that the Japanese soldiers who had arrested us believed that we were after military secrets. We had aroused suspicion by our having been repeatedly seen standing about in the street. The outcome of this second stay in the premises of the Special Mission was that we were informed that we might go back to our inn and remain in it until our departure. We were asked about the date of our departure and what our further plans were. The following information about the roads leading to Kalgan was given us:-the road usually used by motor traffic via Kalgan was on account of rain much use in an extraordinarily bad condition, and there could be no question of our going that way; the second road sometimes used by motor cars via Taliangti was just as bad and in addition to which there was a risk of bandits; the best and safest road at the moment was that which passed from Dolonor via Huang ch’i ta-yingtze over the River Shang-tu-ho and thence by Habarga, Paooh’ang, Malakamiao, and Changpeihsien to Kalgan. In the existing circumstances only the last named route could be recommended.

This the road which we followed when at five o’clock on the next morning, the 27th July, we left Dolonor, and on which at about 1.0 p.m. on the 28^th July we were attacked by bandits.

In the course of the journey as soon as the first morning we came to a place where our car could not pass; this was south of Habarga after passing a small Mongol settlement called Shabu—nor. From this place some Mongols called to the rescue proved themselves, very difficult; first they unblushingly asked for an enormous sum of money, and then showed themselves incapable of pulling the car out of the sand. In the meantime night was falling and it had begun to rain, so they promised to come back next morning with more men, oxen, implements and wooden planks. During the dark rainy night which ensued, and which we spent in our tent, there appeared from the direction of HABARGA, according to a later admission from our Chinese guide, four mounted men who came up to our camp and after a while three of the four returned northwards, while the fourth rode on further southwards. Very late the next morning the Mongols appeared, neither bringing with them the wooden planks they had promised, nor being in the least prepared to get down to the job unless we considerably increased the promise of money. Luck so had it that while we were yet bargaining, another troop of Mongols rode up led by GOMBOYAP, a personal friend of mine, who chanced to be in the neighbourhood and having heard of a stranded motor-car, had immediately realised it must be ours, since be had heard of our expedition. With the help of QUBOYAP and his friends, with whom now the first Mongols joined forces, we succeeded without undue exertion in getting the car out of the sand and on to firm ground, so that at about noon we continued our journey southwards.

About an hour later we approached a small Chinese settlement situated in a pass and named HO-CHIA-TA-HUO, the district being known as KUAN-MA-HOU (sic.?KOU). On entering the place Mr. Jones noticed and pointed out to me a man in uniform. I told him that we had now left the Japanese Zone and might expect to meet Chinese gendarmerie. And in fact as we proceeded through the village we saw several me wearing the familiar blue uniform of the Pao-an-tui. On leaving the village, suddenly from both sides our car was shot at, which, as we were able later to ascertain, originated to the extent of some 35 shots from service rifles, and to the extent of one shot from a machine gun which was put out of action owing to a jam. (literally - difficulty in loading). Two bullet holes were visible in the hood of the car. The chauffeur pulled up immediately. I leapt out and ran in the direction of the firing proceeding from the left hand side, shouting as I ran. They ceased firing, signalled me to approach, and declared with many apologies that it was due to a misunderstanding, They said they had been ordered to protect this road against robbers and to prevent the passage of Japanese motor-cars along it. They said they had taken our car for a Japanese one and invited me into a neighbouring farm house to drink tea and to receive the apologies of their leader. While I was accepting, Mr. Jones had also got out of the car. He was immediately surrounded by a number of the people who had fired upon us, bound, and led into another house where he was sat on the K’ang. The cord with which his bands were tied behind his back was thrown over a rafter in the root, and behind him came a man with a noose. Mr. Jones thought, as he told me later, that they intended to hang him. But after a few minutes they let him step down oft the K’ang and brought him to the house where I was.

Before Mr. Jones had appeared at my place, my Boy had come accompanied by one of the blue uniformed men with a part of our luggage. On my asking what was the meaning of this, they said it was a mere formality, as they had orders to examine all baggage and could make no exceptions, To my surprise I noticed that while, the examination of the baggage, which had begun in quite an orderly way, was going on, one of the men picked up and put in his pocket a few silver dollars. When I protested, and said that was hardly worth of the Pao-an-Tui, one of the replied, "We are not Pao-an-Tui, we are just bandits." So that when Jones was brought to me, and we had discussed the situation, we saw that the only thing to be done was to be submissive. Meanwhile the bandits had begun to dictate to my Boy the list of demands, which was as follows.- $100,000 in cash, 40 rifles, with 20,000 rounds of ammunition, 20 automatic pistols with 20,000 rounds of ammunition, 20 revolvers with 20,000 rounds of ammunition.

To the piece at paper on which these demands were written I added another, on which I wrote to this effect - We are in hands of bandits; the demands are to be found on the accompanying sheet". (in English) Thereupon Jones and I signed it, and dated it the 28^th July’ The two notes were given to the Boy, who with the chauffeur, the latter having this, while been bound in the other place, were ordered by the bandits to proceed to Pao Ch’ang and Kalgan.

Chauffeur and Boy reached PAO CH’ANG HSIEN at about six o’clock in the afternoon, and reported to the Chinese authorities, namely the Officer commanding the Pao An-tui (gendarmerie) and the district Magistrate. These informed by telephone the provincial government in Kalgan, and at the same time took appropriate measures to get into contact with the bandits who had taken us prisoner. There could be no question of using the military or police to apply coercion for apart from the fact that such a procedure would have endangered our lives, the forces at the disposal of the authorities were in no way sufficient. The troops which were formerly stationed there, namely a detachment of the XXIXth. army under Sung Che-Yuan were in June withdrawn in compliance with the notorious demands of the Japanese. On the 18^th July the G.O. Special Mission of the Kangtung Army at Dolonor, Major Ueyame, appearsd at PAO CH’ANG HSIEN in person with more than twenty motor cars and six tanks. He announced that from henceforth in all districts of East Chahar, the Pao~An-tui should be limited to150 men per district (Hsien), and that each man should not be equipped with more then one rifle and 100 rounds of ammunition. Major UEYEMA spent till the 2lst July in convincing himself that the measures which he had commanded were being carried out, and this he did by means of frequent visits each day in which he did not consider beneath his dignity personally to count over the rifles and cartridges, and to take away any issued in excess of the number laid down. It may be observed in parenthesis, that these visits were also used as an opportunity of intimidating the Chinese Officials and of going through their official papers. According to the two gentlemen in question, the district Magistrate himself was subjected to maltreatment by one of the Japanese officers.

Thus deprived of the means of coercion, the O.C. Pao An-Tui ordered a sergeant of the mounted police to go to the bandits as an intermediary. His name was PAO Yun-chi. The only indication he possessed was the note on which were written the demands for the ransom, and on the reverse side the place of our captivity with the signature Liu-tze (stable mates) of Chui-hung (orange red). Liu-tze is an expression used in bandit circles for a small band of perhaps twenty or thirty men, and chui -hung is a typical robbers pseudonym. With these clues the Sergeant, Chang Yu-Chi and three police men allotted to him, mounted and in uniform though unarmed, set off on our trail and found us on the afternoon of the following day. Gareth Jones and I at our place of captivity had been immediately deprived of all our personal possessions with the one exception of the clothes we were wearing, ie. Shoes, stockings, shirt, and shorts. They had even taken our spectacles. Then both of us were rigged out with long blue trouser, coat to match, and a coolie hat; these things had been easily procured, simply by taking them from the peasants standing round. In the meanwhile the bandits together with their horses bad assembled, and we saw that they were from 26 to 30 men strong. Each man was carrying either a rifle, or pistol, or a light machine gun. All were mounted, and in addition they were about half dozen spare horses. We each ware given a horse and were compelled to ride with the bandits, proceeding partly along the tracks and partly across pasture, arable, and mountains in a north-easterly direction. In these and the two following days we went in a great band toward the east, which brought us back again on Tuesday the 30th July to the neighbourhood of the main road to PA) CH’ANG HSIEN. The treatment they meted out was good, soon as they had got over their first excitement, and the measure taken for our comfort as good as could be expected in the circumstances. We lived in the wretched plague-infested houses of the poor tenant farmers of the neighbourhood, and for food were dependent on what they bed in hand. The bandits took no provisions with them.

Although we had been on the march a considerable parts of the time, the emissary of the Chinese authorities succeeded in overtaking us by Monday afternoon in the village, at which we had stopped for the midday meal. On approaching the sentries posted by the bandits on the crests of neighbouring hills, the sergeant and his men were shot at by the latter. Then after a white flag had been waved, the firing ceased, and they were taken prisoner, and brought bound to the village, It was hours before the bandit chief declared himself ready for them to be unbound and brought in for an interview.

We knew nothing of these goings on, because we were being held in a house some distance away. Only towards six o’clock, when we were stretching our limbs in front of the house, did we see two of the new arrivals, end shortly afterwards CHANG Y-CHI, who approached us and briefly announced that we need not be frightened, that he had come about our liberation and that I, whom he addressed should ride with him to PAO CH’ANG HSIEN. Before we had recovered from our astonishment, he had disappeared back into the house from which he had emerged, end which was the H.Q. of the chief of this band. The bandits told off to watch us were able to say that this man maintained he had been sent by the Chinese authorities in PAO CH’ANG HSIEN, and deposed that he himself had previously been a bandit, but no one knew him; he also claimed to know me personally. To this assertion I could only reply that I did not remember him. For the rest, our guards warned us not to trust this man, who appeared to them very suspicious. Gareth Jones and I indeed did not feel ourselves inclined to set much trust in this self-styled rescuer. That these men were in uniform we could not admit as a proof that they really belonged to the PAO AN-TUI i.e. the Police, seeing that the bandits who had captured us were for the most part wearing the uniform of the Pao An-tui. Our distrust was only increased when long after nightfall CHANG YU-CHI with several bandit leaders came into our bedroom, end when we asked him for a proof (papers d’indentite), he replied that be had one but that the bandits had taken it from him even more suspicious was that when we asked him the name of te magistrate of PAO CH’ANG HSIEN he said he did not know him.

So it was with some scepticism that we listened to his announcement that he had been sent by the authorities at PAO CH’ANG to rescue us, that he had not succeeded in negotiating the immediate release of both of us, but that the bandit had now seen that they could not count on being arms and ammunition and that they were also prepared to lower their,demands for ransom. He said, they were now ready to release both of us if Mexican- 50,OO0 was paid over, to them, on condition it was not in (a). the form of a new issue of notes, (b) notes of consecutive numbers, (c) notes with handwriting on. In order to negotiate with the Chinese and ultimately with the British and German authorities, over the payment of the ransom they were ready to let me depart with CHANG YU-CHI if I promised to return after the performance of my mission. At the same time they demanded that one at least one or at best two of the policemen should remain with Gareth Jones in their hands as hostages and a substitute for me. On the following morning they waived their demands to take the police men as hostages and that I should go back to them. They were however most emphatic however that only payment of the ransom would save the life of Gareth Jones. During the night and following morning Jones and I discussed the situation. We were not in the least convinced that the avowed emissary of the Chinese Authorities were acting in good faith, and we considered it was quite possible that these men were the delegates of another band of robbers, about whom our bandits has told us. Our captors had said that among this other band there were various Koreans and several Japanese, and that if we were in their hands, we certainly would not have had long to live. It seemed to us feasible to suppose that the new arrivals might have been sent by the other band to our camp, in order to fetch me, who spoke Chinese to their camp, where I could be cross-examined and eventually put of the way. On the other hand we told ourselves that the same fate equally well await us in the camp of our captors and all this play acting might be superfluous. As it was the one fact that Chang Yu-Chi was ignorant of the name of the District Magistrate of Pao Ch’ang Hsien had made us distrustful of him so we decided that our position did not warrant us in neglecting even a feeble chance of ultmate liberation, After the bandits had led us back to the village name KOTIR on the road leading to PAO Ch’ang. I took leave took of Jones, and after a ride of about three hours I did after all find myself in PAO CH’ANG whereupon all doubts about the character of Chang Yu- Chi and his three men in police uniform were naturally set at rest.

The main reason why the bandits assented to my liberation rather than that of Jones was probably because I had a command of the language and thus possessed both the possibility of conducting negotiations with the Chinese authorities, and their confidence, that I would do the same. Another factor may have been that Gareth Jones was the better horse-man, and they feared, if the necessity of more rapid movement from place to place should arise, being hampered by my presence. They themselves however said that I owed the fact of their choice falling on me to the fact that I was a German.

The Chinese authorities in PAO CH’ANG HSIEN received me in the most friendly way, and I remained their guest until a message by telephone was on 31st July brought in by a motor belonging to WOSTWAG. After consultation with the District Magistrate and O.C. Pao An-tui, to which at my request CHANG YU-CHI was brought, we decided the best thing was that CHANG, who had proved himself a skilled negotiator, should on the morning of the 1^st August go once more to the bandits, and remain in touch with them until I had seen the authorities in Kalgan, or it necessary, Peking and had examined the possibility of consent to the payment of ransom. CHANG declared himself willing, and himself proposed that he should take along come better provisions for Jones That was agreed to by the two officials, and in addition I gave him a letter for Jones. CHANG YU-CHI promised to attempt to secure the immediate release of Jones, it need be through the surrender of Chinese hostages. I myself went on the morning of the 31^st from PAO CH’ANG HSEIN to Kalgan, where Lieut. Millar of the British Embassy was awaiting me. Captain Scott also joined us that evening. I reported to both these gentlemen, and both were of the opinion that my liberation must necessarily be final, that we had acted wisely, and facilitated further negotiations They begged me to return at once to Peking and give a verbal report to the British and German Embassies.

Meanwhile I had already made contact with the Chinese authorities in Kalgan during a two hour conversation with members at the Chahar provincial administration, at which Lieut. Millerr was present, I had informed them of what had happened and obtained the assurance that instructions would be sent to PAO CH’ANG that very evening, the demands of the bandits to be lessened as far as possible but in any to be satisfied so as to obtain the earliest possible liberation of the prisoner.

On the night of July 31^st I returned to Peking, where I reported to the German, British end Chinese authorities viva voce and in writing, and discussed with the Deputy-governor of Chahar, Mr. Ch’ien, and the representative of the Nanking Government, Mr. Wang Kei-min, the measures to be taken for setting Mr Jones at liberty. Both Chahar Government and Central Government declared their readiness through the above named gentlemen to pay any ransom the case might demand. Having successfully concluded this business I turned back for Kalgan on the afternoon of August 2^nd , so as to keep in contact with the Chinese Officials and place myself at their disposal in case my cooperation should be necessary.‘ On the 3^rd I and Lieut. Miller obtained an interview from the Secretary of the Chahar Government and learned that CHANG had been again to see the bandits, but had not been able to obtain the immediate release of Mr Jones. On the other hand the money had been reduced to $8,000, and the situation could have been liquidated in a day or two if the bandits had not left the PAO CH’ANG neighbourhood on the 2nd and crossed over to that of Kuyan. For this circumstance the Captain of the Pao an-tui in Kuyuan was intentionally responsible not having been informed that negotiations with the bandits were in progress end consequently setting his Gendarmerie in motion against them. It appeared the bandits had last been seen on the march for the Jehol border near the village of SHUANG CHIENG-TZE some 30 li East of KUYUAN hsien_, whence they were continuing in a South-easterly direction. It seemed certain that there were still 100 strong moving in three columns. Their leader, PAO FANG-WU to whom were attached two Japanese, and the second in command, a professional brigand it appeared was LO LAO-HAG-TSE (old rat Lo). PAO FANG-WU’S Japanese had proposed to despatch Gareth Jones, but PAO had not assented to this and handed him over for safety’s sake to a easier group of former Chinese, whom he had made responsible for his protection. The Chahar provincial Government had despatched a second negotiator on the morning of the 3rd to Kuyuan Hsien, to re-establish contact with the bandits. The choice was eespecially fortunate since the man was an old acquaintance of Pao’s and official of the Chahar Provinincial Government. Better results, could be expected from him, since CHANG had lost the confidence of the bandit who supposed that he had brought about the movement of the Pao An-Tui from Kuyuan Hsien.

Further information from the Chinese Authorities not being obtained for the next few days, I paid a visit on the evening of the 5^th to Colonel MATSUI, representative in Kalgan of the Japanese North China garrison Colonel MATSUI told me, that he had received information that afternoon to the effect that the bandits with Gareth Jones had passed the Jehol frontier and were at present in the Feng Ning Hsien district. He had just telegraphed to urge the Japanese Authorities in Jehol City (Cheng-Te) with the utmost haste to take all steps for Jones’ liberation without endangering his life by calling troops and aeroplanes into play. This information rendered useless the plan devised by Lieut. Miller and myself on the 2^nd and only provisionally postponed at the wish of the Chinese Authorities, of proceeding in person to KuYuan Hsien, and I returned to Peking on the 6th.

No information of importance is to hand at present according to Takahashi, the Japanese Military Attaché, the bandits who crossed the Jehol frontier on August 5^th travelling East, crossed it again going West on the 6th or 7th and are again in Chahar territory in the Kuyuan neighbourhood. Jones was seen there on the 8^th alive and well, while, the Japanese Authorities declare that they have now lost contact with the bandits, the information obtainable from the Chinese is confined to an assertion that they have re-entered into touch with the bandits and that they expect their efforts to liberate Jones to be attended with en early success. Apparently the demands of the original bandit group for a sum of $8 to 10,000 have been satisfied. But before Jones could be handed over, he was taken over by another group, who now insist on the payment of the rest of the original demand viz. $l00,000 and delivery at 200 pistols and ammunition. While official reports mention only Chinese bandits the truth must be somewhat different The bandits into whose hands we fell made the following declarations that they are pure Chinese from the present Manchukuo, had then entered the Japanese service and had received from a Japanese Authority in Jehol the commission to cross the Chahar border and to create as much trouble there as they could. They were in addition furnished with uniforms and weapons together with an inconsiderable sum in bullion; to prove this they showed us brand new notes of the Manchukuo Central Bank, of which they claimed to possess several cases. They have not yet however found anyone in Chahar ready to accept this money, and would have been compelled, even without the Japanese commission, to take to banditry. They had crossed the Jehol boundary in different sections between the 20^th and 23^rd July, the sections being composed of two large bands of 300 men, known as TI- Ii-CHYH-TUI-and TI –ERH-CHI-TUI. They themselves belonged to the first band, which only included Chinese and their leader was one CHT from HEILUNGKIANG. In the second band was a number of Korean under the leadership of a Japanese. Had we fallen into the hands of the second band, we should not have had a chance of escaping with our lives. As for them they hated the Japanese and thought of themselves as good Chinese, compelled however to obey Japanese orders for fear of their families in Manchukuo.

How far this account is correct is very hard to say. CHANG YU-CHI was perfectly convinced of its authority and our own suppositions were much confirmed by the following incident. Our bandits told us that their first precise commission on Chahar soil was to attack on the white Mongol Banner and thus attempt to kill a Mongol Militia leader called MAO, who was person non grata to the Japanese on account at his strong Chinese propensities. $4O a head had been promised to the members of the group if they successfully accomplished their mission and brought back Mao’s head to the Japanese. Having attempted an attack they were driven back by the considerably stronger Mongol Militia with the loss of two lives. The White Mongol Banner has its land and pastures on the direct road between Larsen’s farm and Dolonor. On July 22^nd a small party of foreigners, including Eriksen, the Swedish Missionary doctor, Sir Charles Bell, and Captain Scott, were motoring along this road. They were warned that there were 25 to 30 bandits further to the East, who made an attack on the White Mongol Banner but had been driven back. This independent piece of information, which we received, that same day from the travellers in Larsen’s camp, seemed to refer to the very attack of which our bandits had spoken. The Chinese Authorities were also aware, that such an attack had been made on the Mongol White Banner.

How far the bandits were following their general orders - as far as our capture was concerned - to create trouble or were acting on special instructions cannot for the moment be known with certainty. In any case it is very clear, that our misfortune occurred on a route recommended to us by the Japanese, and there is a possibility that the rider who passed our camp in SHAGU-NOR on the night of the 27^th was carrying special orders to he bandits.

The firing on us on the 28^th took place in a way that led us to suppose that the bandits had more to do merely than hold up our car. Apart from the rifles, a machine gun also opened fire (made by the Mukden arsenal), and only the circumstances that it immediately jammed saved our car from stopping more than two bullets and ourselves any at all.

The manner of our capture makes it appear indubitable, that our visit to Dolonor coinciding as it did with important military action in Chahar was most unwelcome to the Japanese.